This is how to deal with armed forces' brutality

Vatic Note:  As we have mentioned before, The US can count  on whatever the British do, will soon arrive here and this is just one example of this occurring.  They torture without regard to human rights and now we do as well.  This happened with the British when they put up all those cameras spying on their people, and soon that arrived here.   If you assume, as has been proven, that the CIA, FBI, NSA, MI6, MI5, Mossad, et al, work directly for the New World Order, you can then understand why they avoid accountability for their horrific crimes against humanity and never pay for what they do.

My concern is the Homeland Zionist Security is run by the khazar Zionists (who are a major part of the illuminati families at the very top, Rothschild family ring a bell?) org ADL and SPLC who have a racey record themselves in the area of criminality as several blogs we did proved, are now training and militarizing our local Law Enforcement with weapons, equipment, vehicles, and uniforms, to deal with our civilian unarmed population. Heck, the treasonous Mayor, Bloomberg even sent his NY Cops who work off duty for the banks, over to Tel Aviv so they could learn how to deal with  our civilians the same way the IDF deals with Palestinians.  The news about cops shooting unarmed civilians proves the training worked.

We have seen an increase in brutality by LOCAL LEO's everywhere including murdering civilians who are unarmed.  That is more like Israel than like the United States, so who is running the show? .  Its probably why they keep calling Christians "Terrorists" because Christians do not approve of torture, rape, theft, extortion, pedophilia, satanism, and crimes against humanity. etc.

This is how to deal with armed forces' brutality
by Phil Shiner, The Guardian, Sunday 9 June 2013

Daoud Mousa, father of Baha Mousa, London inquiry
Daoud Mousa leaves the London inquiry into the death of his son Baha Mousa while in British custody in Iraq. Photograph: Martin Godwin for the Guardian
Baha Mousa was tortured to death in September 2003 while in the custody of the British armed forces in Iraq. The subsequent inquiry led to a report, published in September 2011, that leaves no doubt about the scale of the systemic issues concerning the training and conduct of British armed forces personnel and the brutal illegality of the UK's current approach to the detention and interrogation of suspected insurgents. The training of interrogators used in Iraq involved blatant illegality: forced nakedness, screaming foul abuse into detainees' faces, sensory deprivation and so forth.

Baha lasted 36 hours. Others who died in the custody of British forces in Iraq did not last that long. Two examples suffice. Taniq Mahmud, taken into custody alive and unharmed in April 2003, transported by UK helicopter and carried off dead. Mossa Ali, a 53-year-old headteacher, held in custody in May 2003 and found dead within hours. The list of unlawful killings is endless. And there are hundreds of Iraqis' cases before British courts in which allegations are made of egregious acts of torture and cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment.

These terrible acts have occupied the attention of the courts for the last decade. A high court judgment in late May gives the UK a golden opportunity to make reparation and lead the world in imposing the rule of law wherever its state agents act abroad. This judgment involves more than 1,000 Iraqi cases of unlawful killings and acts of torture. It establishes that whenever UK personnel abroad have authority and control over others – and commit what might be acts of unlawful killing and torture – there must be an "inquisitorial process" in public into each case. There must also be public scrutiny of the systemic issues arising from these cases.
Take, for example, the case of Huda, an eight-year-old girl in a yellow dress playing with her friends one sunlit morning in Basra. A British rifleman in a tank, apparently perceiving her to be a threat to force security, shot her dead without warning at close range. Before this new judgment, the Ministry of Defence successfully shut the door on any accountability. Under the new system, the commanding officer would have to suspend the soldier and send in the military police to forensically examine the scene, interview witnesses and family, and send the results of a full investigation back to London to be examined independently and publicly.

 That process would be bound to lead to prosecution of the soldier for manslaughter.  (VN:  if he aimed that gun and was not under any threat, then that is first degree murder and not manslaughter.  And they want to run the world?  We have not become that desensitized by the IPOD games and you can't kill off enough of us who remember what a civilized society looks like.)

This is the lever for future reforms. Imagine the huge public embarrassment of hundreds of such public investigations. For a careerist commanding officer, one of these cases on his watch is a disaster, more than one and he is going nowhere. (VN: Actually, it may mean a major promotion, frankly.) The MoD response to date has been to attack individuals who speak up and to blame it all on a few "bad apples". The arrogant, colonial perspective of senior MoD civil servants must be eliminated. What is required now is a rigorous programme of reforms.

Here are a few suggestions for cost-neutral reforms:

1.  introduce a new fitness-for-service test for all would-be soldiers (as with British police, soldiers must be able to pass a straightforward test on the relevant law);

2. adopt the model of police reform produced by the Police and Criminal Evidence Act; equip military trainers to ensure that potential new recruits understand the law and don't let the side down; address the loss of moral compass so evident in the behaviour of British forces in Iraq and Afghanistan;

3. rewrite the relevant rules of engagement for various conflict situations so that the golden thread of legal compliance shapes all acts of force;

4. bin the UK's interrogation policy, introduce a lawful one and train those responsible to use it correctly.
There are many more suggested reforms we wish to put to the military and the MoD. We all need to face the brutality of the British postcolonial approach to insurgencies and alter the mindset that continues to permeate our behaviour abroad. If we do so we can lead the world in a modern and lawful approach to conflicts abroad.

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