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2014-04-05

The Truth About the Drug Companies: How They Deceive Us and What to Do About It


Vatic Note:  Well, its about time the industry began truth assessment from within instead of just from outside the industry.   Having said that, what we have posted over time about the health care industry, drugs, and vaccines, have proven that whatever harm is being done, is being done intentionally to use soft kill in population reduction.

These "Skull and Bones" graduates, are in medicine and drug companies as much as they are in government.   Same with other industries, so they are fulfilling their agenda through a variety of secret societies and JFK warned us about that and he said "They are ruthless and brutal".

Then read the protocols where they clearly state that using violence on the population is a must since the masses only understand and respond as desired when violence is the tool used to control. Keep all that in mind as you read this. 

Its like passing laws forcing the population to wear "seatbelts", but when you take a hard look at the new vehicles being produced, low to the ground, fibreglass bodies, not steel, and small in size, then add in the seat belt to keep the driver and passanger in place no matter what, its a guaranteed death trap.

Population reduction through manipulation of the materials used, design choice of close to the ground, while trucks are up high, and finally, the  seat belt to ensure you are kept in place, that is a guaranteed death penalty for wearing it.  That is called a "soft kill" technique.  Its intentional and planned that way. Safety be damned.

We are being betrayed all over the place, in our air, water, food, and now drug safety.   We should not be subjected to the ads these drug companies run.  Doctors know what is good for us, not the drug companies.

Let me tell you why this is happening..... we are converting our economy from a manufacturing/agricultural base to a "create false needs" economy since all manufacturing and agriculture has gone overseas  to South America for farming and asia for manufacturing.  Unless we decide to voluntarily become a slave country, there will be no more manufacturing jobs here.  What does that leave us?  

We need sick people  to raise the GDP in the medical profession, we need war to increase profits in ag and  manufacturing.  WE need crimes so privately owned prisons can make profits, hire in local and state communities to provide jobs for locals to keep us happy, and working.   That is exactly why our legislature was pushed to make many civil offenses, criminal.  

We have the largest prison population in the world.   Why?  Because civil offenses are now crimes and prison is now the penalty  Example:   IRS  was civil and used to be heard by a tax court with civil penalties, but now, criminal.  Same with criminalizing drug use.   I am waiting for Jay walking to be a death penalty offense.  Just think about all the chemicals the illum families could sell  with such an increase in death penalty offenses.      



Health Corruption Top MD Reveals Corruption in Health Care
http://www.wanttoknow.info/health/health-corruption 
by admin,  Want To Know

The Truth About the Drug Companies: How They Deceive Us and What to Do About It

                                                            
"The combined profits for the ten drug companies in the Fortune 500 ($35.9 billion) were more than the profits for all the other 490 businesses put together ($33.7 billion) [in 2002]. Over the past two decades the pharmaceutical industry has moved very far from its original high purpose of discovering and producing useful new drugs. 

Now primarily a marketing machine to sell drugs of dubious benefit, this industry uses its wealth and power to co-opt every institution that might stand in its way, including the US Congress, the FDA, academic medical centers, and the medical profession itself."
    -- Dr. Marcia Angell, former editor in chief of the New England Journal of Medicine on health corruption

In this book, her most recent, Marcia Angell explores pharmaceutical research, deplores the rapidly expanding involvement (and distortion of truth) of Big Pharma, and implores us all (physicians, patients, politicians) to do something about it. The dust-jacket blurb asserts that Angell, "during her two decades at The New England Journal of Medicine had a front-row seat on the growing corruption of the pharmaceutical industry." 


Since leaving the Journal, she's gone behind the curtains of Big Pharma, Big University, and Big Faculty. Drawing on her own work and on her thoughtful analysis of research, company financial statements, and investigative reports into drug development and marketing, Angell writes with the unambiguous and unyielding style that Journal readers came to expect and trust.


The current slide toward the commercialization and corruption of clinical research coincided with the election of President Ronald Reagan in 1980 and the passage of the Bayh-Dole Act, a new set of laws that permitted and encouraged universities and small businesses to patent discoveries from research sponsored by the National Institutes of Health (NIH). Research paid for by the public to serve the public instantly became a private, and salable good – one that is producing drug sales of more than $200 billion a year.


Commercialization had both specific and broad effects. Readers of this journal and others are familiar with investigations into the control that research sponsors at pharmaceutical companies exert on the design and analysis of clinical trials (including the distortion of primary outcome measures in trials) and the issue of reporting, nonreporting, and biased reporting of results. 


Angell reminds us of the increasingly cozy relationships between big industry and the faculties of universities. Not only are narcissistic donors renaming the medical schools; they are buying access to the best minds of their faculties. Angell's examples of the large consulting fees paid by industry to individual faculty members and to NIH scientists and directors are astounding.

The broader effects are felt in the commercialization of universities, medical faculties, and our profession. In 2000, in a letter written in response to Angell's Journal editorial, "Is Academic Medicine for Sale?" a reader supplied the answer: "No. The current owner is very happy with it." The increasing intrusion of industry into medical education and the almost complete domination of continuing medical education (especially regarding drugs) by the marketing departments of large pharmaceutical companies are a scandal.

The same companies also spend heavily to lobby governments. According to Angell, Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America, the pharmaceutical industry's U.S. trade association has "the largest lobby in Washington," which in 2002 employed 675 lobbyists (including 26 former members of Congress) at a cost of more than $91 million. The result has been above-average growth in corporate profits during both Republican and Democratic administrations. 

The most recent and perplexing lobbying effort caused Congress explicitly to prohibit Medicare from using its huge purchasing power to get lower prices for drugs, thus opening up a dollar pipeline, in the form of higher drug prices, directly from taxpayers to corporate coffers. These changes, along with the cave-in by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) in 1997 that permitted direct-to-consumer advertising to bypass mention in their ads of all but the most serious side effects, have further augmented profits. The overall effect has been a corruption not only of science but also of the dissemination of science.

Angell documents that, contrary to what they claim, large pharmaceutical companies have "paltry output" in innovative research. In fact, as permitted by Bayh-Dole, pharmaceutical companies buy discoveries coming out of the basic-science enterprises, including universities and publicly funded granting agencies. 

The real costs of research on drugs by pharmaceutical companies are much less than the oft-quoted $800 million or so per new drug brought to market. Most of their research is on me-too drugs – unoriginal, tax-deductible (and thus paid for in lost taxes by the public), and mostly unnecessary. The Big Pharma companies are, in essence, manufacturing and marketing companies.

Angell's concluding chapter, the least convincing in an otherwise fascinating and penetrating book, contains the solutions, all of them predictable: control me-too drugs, re-empower the FDA, oversee Big Pharma's clinical research, curb patent length and abuse, keep Big Pharma out of medical education, make company financial statements transparent (so we can tell what the costs of research really are, as distinct from marketing), and impose price controls or guidelines. 

Granted, the problems are so prevalent and the corporate tentacles so entwined with our way of being that it is hard to see what else to recommend.


But perhaps Angell is right. We must change the way we manage research and the development and distribution of new drugs. Not only are health and health care at risk, but so are the research enterprise and the reputations of universities and governments. The integrity of scientific research is too important to be left to the invisible hand of the marketplace.
 

Book review written by John Hoey, M.D., former editor-in-chief of the Canadian Medical Association Journal

The article is reproduced in accordance with Section 107 of title 17 of the Copyright Law of the United States relating to fair-use and is for the purposes of criticism, comment, news reporting, teaching, scholarship, and research.

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